Note: Currently, the histories are only available as drafts. These histories will change in response to evidence (oral and documentary) found during the work of the Commission.

Overview

Key Dates

Community Profile

Two Inuit girls. Source: Library and Archives Canada, e002394434.

Pond Inlet (incorporated as a hamlet in 1975) on northern Baffin Island is also known as Mittimatalik, the place where Mittima is buried. Inuit in the area are known as Tununermiut. The settlement overlooks the mountains and glaciers of Sirmilik National Park and acts as the gateway to Eclipse Sound. The beauty of the area has earned Pond Inlet the reputation as one of Canada’s “Jewels of the North”.

Major economic activities in the community include government services, hunting and fishing, oil exploration, mining, art production and tourism. The Baffinland Iron Ore Company’s exploration of the St. Mary’s River, about 160 km from the settlement, has injected substantial amounts of money into the community, such as supply contracts. Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. is a partner in the project.

Selected Statistics

Source: Statistics Canada (2006).

Terrain

Pond Inlet is located on the southern and eastern arm of a crooked, ice-bound straight which divides Bylot Island from the mainland of Baffin Island. The terrain around Pond Inlet includes mountains, uplands and plateaus (Bissett, 1968). Although the area has a varied landscape, it is mostly mountainous and covered with ice. Long fiords and inlets mark the coastline. The interior ranges from flat areas rich in vegetation during the summer months to deep valleys in the mountain range where the winter snows barely cover the grass. Mountainous peaks within 15 miles of the area’s fiords sometimes rise to 5000 feet (Freeman, 1976).

Early Contact Experiences and Trading

The search for the Northwest Passage brought the first European explorers to the area in the early 19th century. John Ross travelled to the region in 1818 and named the gap between Baffin Island and Bylot Island “Pond’s Bay” (Grant, 2005). The name was later changed to Pond Inlet.

In his search for the Northwest Passage, William Parry discovered rich whaling grounds. The Pond Inlet area, and specifically Button Point on nearby Bylot Island, was a major gathering point for the whaling ships (Crowe, 1968). The regularity with which the whalers visited the area had a centralizing effect on the local Inuit who traveled to the area in summer to take advantage of trade opportunities (Bissett, 1968). English explorer Sir Leopold McClintock recorded on his visit in 1857 that groups of Inuit were gathering along the coasts waiting for the whalers (Damas, 2002).

Noteworthy places in the whaling era were Button Point on Bylot Island, Erik Habour on the Baffin mainland, Albert Harbour between the Baffin coast and Beloeil Island and Salmon River, about 15 km south of Pond Inlet. Inuit in the area had good communication with Inuit of Igloolik, located about 600 km westward on the far side of the Fury and Hecla Straits. The first wintering station was established in the area in 1903 by free traders (Freeman, 1976 and Matthiasson, 1992). It was the first whaling station license under amendments to the Dominion Fisheries Act in 1905 (Goldring, 1985 and 1988).

An Order-in-Council designed to assert Canadian sovereignty and bring the Arctic regions under direct government control sent Captain Joseph-Elzéar Bernier north in 1906. He arrived in the Pond Inlet area in August 1906 and, due to weather, chose to return a few weeks later to stay the winter. He reported that the population of Albert Harbour and Button Point was about 160 people who lived off the land trading fur for tea, knives, molasses, ammunition, clothing and other goods. Bernier stayed in the area in 1910 trading with Inuit and making observations for the government. On the occasion of claiming the land for Canada, Bernier informed Inuit gathered at the ceremony in Pond Inlet they were now official Canadian citizens and were expected to obey Canadian laws (Matthiasson, 1992).

The RCMP arrived in Pond Inlet in 1922 as part of a larger strategy to reinforce Canadian sovereignty over the High Arctic and to impose Canadian justice in the region and with the specific goal of investigating the killing of Robert Janes. Janes was a free trader from Newfoundland who had acted irrationally and violently. He was killed near Arctic Bay by Nookudlah of Pond Inlet following numerous threats against Inuit issued by James. When Janes’ family learned of his murder, they demanded an investigation. The events and impact of Janes’ murder and the subsequent investigation and trial were thoroughly and thoughtfully examined by Shelagh D. Grant in Arctic Justice ( Grant, 2002). Her exposition and interpretation of official sources, personal papers and oral testimonies from Inuit and Qalunaat provide important insights into a wide range of issues relevant to the ongoing history of the Baffin Region. The outcome of the investigation included Nookudlah’s imprisonment at Stone Mountain Penitentiary in Manitoba where became very ill with TB and was released early, partly through the efforts of Captain Bernier. Nookudlah died in Pond Inlet a few months after his release in 1925 (Matthiasson, 1992). One of the most disturbing consequences of the story, however, was the fact that following with return tuberculosis spread rapidly (albeit unevenly) throughout the region (Grant, 2002).

Relocations

Government-sponsored relocations are an important part of Pond Inlet’s history because Inuit from the community were moved to other locations, first for the benefit of the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC) and later to assist relocated Inukjuak Inuit adapt to the High Arctic.

The first government-sponsored relocation scheme began 1934 when nine families from Pond Inlet, Cape Dorset and Pangnirtung were moved to Dundas Harbour on Devon Island. The government wanted an HBC post in the area and agreed to move Inuit to the area so they could trap and provide furs to the post. While game conditions were reported as excellent in the Dundas Harbour area, the environment proved uninhabitable. After two years Inuit who had been relocated to Dundas Harbour decided that they wanted to return home. While relocated Pangnirtung Inuit were allowed to return to their homes, the people from Cape Dorset and Pond Inlet were sent to Arctic Bay. They were again relocated the following year to Fort Ross, and finally to Spence Bay in 1947 (Canada, 1994).

The second relocation begin in the early 1950s when the federal government decided to relocate Inuit from Inukjuak in Northern Quebec to the High Arctic in present-day Nunavut. The government appreciated that Inukjuak Inuit were unfamiliar with the environment in the High Arctic and that their survival depended upon quickly learning how to adapt to the conditions. The decision was made to recruit Inuit from Pond Inlet to help the Inukjuak Inuit adapt. In 1953, Simon Akpaliapik and Samuel Anukudluk from Pond Inlet were moved with their families to Grise Fiord; Jaybeddie Amagoalik was moved to Resolute Bay (Canada, 1994). They accompanied seven families from Inukjuak. In 1955 another group would be removed from their home in Inukjuak and resettled in Grise Fiord and Resolute. The two groups found it difficult to live with one another and by 1960 a schism was apparent between Pond Inlet and Inukjuak Inuit in both communities Damas, 2002).

Left to right: “Qimmi” Douglas Wilkinson, Angutirjuaq, Mary Aaluluuq Kilukuishak, Jobie Nutarak, Jimaima, Angiliq and Asina Qamaniq, July 1951. Source: Library and Archives Canada, Wilfred Doucette, National Film Board of Canada, PA-189154.

Motivations behind the government-sponsored High Arctic relocations of the 1950s have been examined by academics, authors, journalists, bureaucrats, independent scholars and, most notably, by the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP). While there is general agreement concerning the planning, impact and chronologies, there are disagreements concerning the reasons why the relocations occurred. Reasons advanced by authors include: a desire by the Government of Canada to populate the High Arctic to support Canadian sovereignty claims; an intention on the part of the Government of Canada to centralize Inuit in communities where they could provide much-needed labour for government services (Kemp et al., 1977), a desire to improve the lives of Quebec Inuit whose livelihoods were thought to be under threat due to diminished game stocks; and an interest in reducing what was perceived to be increasing dependence on government assistance. Inuit claim they were given assurances prior to relocation that they would be allowed to return to their homes in Inukjuak or Pond Inlet after a year or two if they did not like the new location. The government marked the relocation as a success, but relocated Inuit protested that they unwittingly participated in an ill-conceived “experiment” and demanded acknowledgement of wrong-doing by the government. In 1996, the Canadian Government awarded $10 million to the survivors of the relocation but never proffered an apology (Bell, 1996).

Snapshot of Pond Inlet circa 1950

In1950 the settlement of Pond Inlet consisted of approximately 20 buildings used by the HBC, the RCMP, and Roman Catholic and Anglican missions. A few Inuit families resided permanently at the settlement because the heads of those families were employed the Qallunaat agencies stationed there. The majority of Inuit who used the services in the settlement only visited infrequently either to trade or to celebrate religious holidays.

A coal outcrop at nearby Salmon River supplied tons of coal to northern settlements (Settlements of the Eastern Arctic, 1947).

Camps

Famed author and filmmaker Doug Wilkinson visited the region in 1953. He observed because Inuit lived “largely by the hunt, the population in each area is scattered widely over the land, or, more accurately, along the miles of sea coast, for they are a sea culture people.” The camps were usually comprised of three to five families. As of 1950 there were reportedly eight of these camps on the shores of Eclipse Sounds and another two on the east cost of Baffin Island north of Coutts Inlet.

Eskimos [Inuit] gathered in an igloo for their meal. Still from the National Film Board film Land of the Long Day,” 1952. Source: Library and Archives Canada, National Film Board of Canada, PA-144826.

Some camps were transient and followed the resources on a seasonal cycle. Other semi-permanent camps often supported larger numbers of families and were located near areas rich in sea mammals. Short trips to other resource areas would be carried out by the hunters of the semi-permanent camps. In summer, inland trips were made to caribou grounds. In winter hunters travelled away from the communities only when food supplies ran low (Bissett, 1968).

Throughout this period travel routes were important as a means of gaining information on resources, socialization and trade.

Qallunaat Institutions

The HBC trading post at Pond Inlet was established in 1921, after the HBC purchased the Arctic Gold Exploration Company. The RCMP detachment was established in 1922-3 and the Roman and Anglican churches arrived in 1929.

Transitions

Pond Inlet between 1950 and 1980

1950s

Throughout the 1950s Pond Inlet was typical of most other Eastern Arctic communities. It was an important place to trade goods and receive medical attention and social transfers, but did not attract or encourage a large number of Inuit to settle permanently.

Documentarian Doug Wilkinson spent a year at Pond Inlet in 1953 filming Inuk Joseph Idlout and his family for the acclaimed film and book Land of the Long Day. Wilkinson lived with Idlout, the star of the film, and travelled with him on seal hunting trips, wore clothes made by Idlout’s wife Kidlak and recorded the annual visit of the C.D. Howe. The film and book presented a noble, varnished (but not wholly inaccurate) portrait of life in Northern Baffin Island during the 1950s. The works also documented the pre-location, traditional life of an Inuk whose relocation, in 1955, to Resolute serves to epitomize the distress created by the combined impacts of relocation and changing economic, social and cultural conditions (Tester and Kulchyski, 1994).

Nu-Kood-Lah’s wife, Ee-Too-Tsia, looking at her picture in a magazine, Pond Inlet, Baffin Island, N.W.T., 1925. Ataguttiaq, who is looking at the pictures of herself in the magazine, is the only person identified in this photograph. The houses in the background belonged to R.C.M.P. employees. Source: Library and Archives Canada, Richard S. Finnie, PA-100619.

Economic conditions in the Pond Inlet area in the 1950s, as reported by the RCMP, were difficult due to the decline in the fur trade, but country food continued to be available and more easily reached by use of boats for narwhales and other game. When Idlout asked to relocate from Bylot Island to Resolute, the HBC expressed concern that the trading post might become unsustainable without his family’s participation in trade (Tester and Kulchyski, 1994).

The closing years of the 1950s and the arrival the Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources (DNANR) marked the end of camp life. DNANR established itself in Pond Inlet in 1959. A school was delivered the following year. Inuit had to contend not only with the centralizing effects of the government presence but also with the euro-Canadian system of education and schooling (Matthiasson, 1992).

1960s

John Matthiasson, who visited the community in 1963, observed: Although the settlement of Pond Inlet was the “node” of trade and religious activities, the Tununirmiut identity was entirely rooted in camp residence (Matthiasson, 1992). Beginning in 1964, the federal government through DNANR invested in numerous “Community Development” projects in most settlements. Typical projects included schools, wash houses, airstrip improvements and community centres. These investments and the subsequent opportunity to supplement their incomes likely led local Inuit to visit the settlement more often.

At Pond Inlet, adults worked in the community and many children attended school. Two hostels were constructed in 1964. For Pond Inlet Inuit, the school had a centralizing effect. RCMP staff at Pond Inlet witnessed first hand the centralizing effect that school had on the people:

The only foreseen problem in the immediate future in the population of the people, will be the mass migration from the camps to the settlements. This has been quite noticeable this year in Pond Inlet. Last year the settlement had a population of 103, while this year there are 155, which is a considerable increase. This is brought about mainly by the parents wishing to be close to their children, when they leave the camps to attend school in the settlement. Because of the close knit Eskimo family, this will continue to be a problem, and in the future, I would imagine a very great one. This past year a whole camp moved into the settlement, the only reason given, to be close to their children attending school (RCMP, 1965).

The constant influx of low cost pre-fabricated houses beginning in 1964 marked a change in Tununirmiut settlement patterns. Throughout the remainder of the 1960s houses would arrive annually on the sea lift. RCMP reports indicate the community grew almost 150 percent, from 103 persons in 1964, to 254 in 1967(RCMP 1964 and 1967). With the collapse of the seal skin industry in 1965 construction work provided some of Inuit with a alternate income. The RCMP reports, however, indicate that for the majority of Inuit hunting and trapping was still the primary occupation.

Mr. Alex Stevenson explaining details of Bell 47 helicopter of C.G.S. “C.D. Howe” to Eskimos at Pond Inlet, N.W.T., July 1951. Source: Library and Archives Canada, W. Doucette, National Film Board of Canada, PA-111208.

By the end of the decade fundamental changes in the structure of Inuit society were visible to outsiders. Don Bissett, in the preparation of his Area Economic Survey, recorded that despite the large resource area around Northern Baffin Island, harvesting was becoming more centralized to locations around the community. This he blamed on the “increasing settlement orientation of the population.” The decline in camps, in his opinion, was a result of the development of settlement facilities. He observed “hunting and trapping is becoming less important in terms of local economies and the north Baffin Eskimos are dependent on more varied income sources to meet expanding requirements arising out of settlement living” (Bissett, 1968).

1970s

Pond Inlet Inuit the 1970s quickly adapted to modern settlement living but also faced new challenges and opportunities presented by natural resource exploration and development in the high Arctic. In 1972, Apphia Agalakti Siqpaapik Aqa and her husband, Mathias Awa became the last of the families in the Pond Inlet and Igloolik area to move off the land (Wachowich, 2000). Shortly after, the airstrip at Pond Inlet was expanded to accommodate the increased traffic entering the settlement (Hamlet of Pond Inlet, 2008).

Up until the 1970s Inuit had mostly been employed as labourers, drivers, janitors or low-level assistants. After the Arctic Research Establishment was opened in the early 1970s, local Inuit were trained in scientific laboratory methods. When the weather station was established in Pond Inlet, also in the early 1970s, it was operated by local Inuit. (Hamlet of Pond Inlet, 2008). The settlement council, established in the 1960s, took on greater control and direction of the municipalities planning, administrative and political activities. (Hamlet Transfer (specific) Pond Inlet, 1974). The Toonoonik-Sahoonik Co-operative built a grocery, clothing and hardware store and operated the local hotel. It also established a fishing camp at Kuluktoo Bay that is often visited by tourists. Hamlet of Pond Inlet, 2008). Pond Inlet was incorporated in 1975. Documents assessing Pond Inlet’s readiness for incorporation as a hamlet reveal a high level of community involvement. (Hamlet Transfer (specific) Pond Inlet, 1974).

Resource development in the North greatly expanded in the 1970s with the worldwide energy crisis of the early 1970s. Panarctic Oils, a company with 40 percent federal ownership, used the communities of Pond Inlet and Arctic Bay as sources of labour. R. Quinn Duffy notes that the employment of Inuit in Panarctic drilling operations brought a large increase in the communities’ annual incomes. By 1972 more that $180 000 was flowing into the community when as little as few years prior the annual income of the entire community was $40 000 (Duffy, 1988). Duffy argues that a by-product of the increased income was an increase in the consumption of alcohol in the community. By 1974, complaints about alcohol consumption became so numerous that the Commissioner of the North West Territories prohibited the delivery of alcohol to the community (Duffy, 1988).

Infrastructure and communications

Water was gathered at a small stream close to the settlement during the summer and from a nearby lake in the winter. Water was trucked to local homes by an 850 gallon water tanker. Sewage and waste were dumped into a ravine behind the settlement (Heinke, 1974). In 1965, Arctic Bay was connected to a Bell Telephone Company Radio line that linked northern communities with each other as well as southern centres (Bissett, 1968). By the late 1970s, the community had a 10 person volunteer fire department (Koring, 1975).

In the mid 1960s, Pond Inlet had an unlicensed private radio station operated by Mr. Sanders. It was ordered to cease operations in 1967, a case of national profile. This prompted the CBC and the Department of Transport to announce that they were already working on establishing a series of regulated radio stations in Arctic settlements. (NSHDB, 5931, 5938, 5940, 5944, 5951) A year later, after numerous complaints from Pond Inlet and other communities, arrangements were made to establish a “temporary” service for Pond Inlet (NSHDB, ID 6084).

Education

The Anglican missionaries first offered classes in 1949 to Inuit living in the settlement. In the 1950s, some children were sent from Pond Inlet to residential school in Chesterfield Inlet (NSHDB, ID 2215).

Eastern Arctic Inuit at Pond Inlet, July 1951. Source: Library and Archives Canada, W. Doucette, National Film Board of Canada, PA-189085.

A federal day school was constructed in Pond Inlet 1960 but classes did not begin until March of 1961 when the first DNANR teacher arrived (Matthiasson, 1992). The federal government publicly claimed that education was of vital importance to the economic development of the Arctic and to improved conditions in Inuit communities. Indeed, the school arrived in Pond Inlet almost five years before a nursing station. During the early 1960s, when the majority of Inuit still lived in the camps, attempts were made to extend teaching programs to the camps. Lack of facilities in the camps and the irregularity with which the programs were held eventually halted the program. Within government, however, some individuals, such as A. Stevenson, Administrator of the Arctic, recognized that the hope of education was likely to be unfulfilled due to the difficulty of attracting qualified teachers to the settlements and to the practice of transferring teachers before they became too attached (socially and emotionally) to the community. Stevenson also noted that teachers were over-worked and that learners faced enormous difficulties that were not as common in southern schools.

A separate issue, but one that was likely as important as any other in limited Inuit participation in schooling concerned the rules for Family Allowances. In 1966, Gordon H. Rogers, Area Administrator in Pond Inlet wrote to the Regional Director of Family Allowances complaining about the inconsistencies in government policy that required students to attend school but only paid Family Allowances to children living at home. In Baffin, where school hostels were often the only option available, this amounted to paying money for children to not go to school (NSHDB, ID 5505).

Panikpakuttuk (center) and Qajaaq (right). The man on the far left was unidentified. They worked for the R.C.M.P. Detachment, July 1951. Source: Library and Archives Canada, Wilfred Doucette, National Film Board of Canada, PA-189296.

Some camp-based Inuit persisted, in spite of potential loss of income, to send their sons and daughters to school; for many, however, the only reasonable option was to move into the settlement. Don Bisset reported that some of the camps (such as Qaornak and Nadlua) simply moved closer to the settlement (Bissett, 1968). The local RCMP officer recognized the difficulties that education posed to Inuit. Constable W.P. Saunders reported “Some of the families at the camps were reluctant to have their children taken away to school however, they are becoming used to the idea and they realize that it is for the best.” (RCMP report 1966) But not all Inuit thought it was for the best. Apphia Agalakti Awa, an Inuk from Northern Baffin Island, remembers the effects school had on her family: “In the 1960s it seemed as if all our children were leaving us to go to school. They had to, that was the law of the teachers, that every student had to go to school.”

After several other of their children had been taken to school, the youngest Ida, was sent to school. “That was when we were living in Pond Inlet. Ida was only four years old and she started school. She stayed in school.” But with their last remaining son it would be different.

With Solomon it was different. We kept him out of school. This was before Ida and Joanna went away. Arvaluk and Simon were far away in Churchill, Martha was in Igloolik, Rhoda and Jakopie were in Pond Inlet at that time, and Rhoda and Jakopie were going to live there and go to school. When the boat came, my husband started arguing with the teacher. He was telling him, “He is mine! He is my son! Since you have taken all my other sons away, I am going to keep this son! He is going to help me. He is going to learn how to hunt!” He was telling the teacher how he would rather see Solomon learn the Inuit way, not the Qallunaat way.

… the teachers told my husband that if Solomon didn’t go to school, they would cut off the family allowance that were getting for him. My husband said that was okay, and that is what the government did. They cut off our family allowance. We were poor back then, not like today when we lived in the community. We were out in camp. We didn’t have food from the Bay or clothing from the Bay. We didn’t have jobs, so we sold things like sealskins and other types of skins to make money (Wachowich, 2000).

In an attempt to delay the dissolution of the camps, the area administrator organized a short term camps school in Nadlua in 1967. However, the program was largely ineffective (Bissett, 1968).

Health Care

RCMP officers had traditionally been responsible for providing lay dispensary services to Inuit of Northern Baffin Island as well as treating more serious cases (Bissett, 1968). On many occasions, the RCMP delivered penicillin and other medicines to families in camps on emergency patrols. Their work was supplement by medical staff on the annual visit of the C.D. Howe who provided annual x-ray and vaccination services and identified Inuit infected with tuberculosis. Beginning in 1959, medical staff started polio vaccinations (NSHDB, 2985).

The increase in the permanent population at the settlement seemed to lead to an increase in the number of patients the RCMP had to treat. RCMP reports from 1963 on reported a large amount of their time was spent treating Inuit patients (RCMP 1963 – 1966). They strongly advocated for the establishment of a nursing station and, as late as 1964, complained about the inadequacy of healthcare services in the community (Nunavut Social History Database, ID 10262). Eventually, in 1966 a nursing station was established in Pond Inlet. At present the community is served by a health centre.

Housing

Prior to 1964, some pre-fabricated homes were delivered to camps in the area rather than to the settlement itself. By 1964-5, however, all pre-fab houses were destined for the settlement. The HBC and government agencies provided housing for their own employees and the federal government sent pre-fab housing into Baffin settlements, including Pond Inlet. For Inuit employees of public agencies, however, housing appears to have remained a major problem. In 1965, for instance, Inuk E. Panelok, a teaching assistant, reported to the Carrothers Commission that he lacked a house of his own and was required to share an over-crowded house with another family (NSHDB, ID 5163). While the amount of housing may have been insufficient, the expectation that housing would be provided to families agreeing or choosing to live in the settlement was an important factor (in addition to access to health care, education and employment opportunities) considered by Inuit moving to Pond Inlet and other settlements. (It must be added, however, that it was the combination of the appeal of life in a settlement with other Inuit families and an expectation that there would be opportunities to continue a contact-traditional life by returning to the land and camps on a seasonal basis that drew many Inuit from camps to settlements.)

In 1965-6 at least 14 houses were constructed in the settlement. The RCMP officer of the detachement, Cpl. R.E. Boughen, described the houses as “practical” and “better then [sic] the Eskimo type dwellings.” He recognized that they were difficult to heat but put forward the opinion that “with a coal mine only some 15 miles from the settlement, with a little hard work and some planning this small handicap could be easily overcome” (RCMP, 2006).

Churches and religion

The Anglican and Catholic missionaries both arrived in Pond Inlet in 1929 (Diocese of the Arctic, 2008). Although Catholicism had already been introduced into the area much earlier with the arrival of the syllabic bibles brought from the Cumberland Sound region.

The Roman Catholic Mission at Pond Inlet. In background the C.G.S. C.D. Howe on Eastern Arctic Patrol is anchored, July 1951. Source: Library and Archives Canada, National Film Board of Canada, PA-189152.

The introduction of the bibles provided Inuit with a written form of communication and likely accelerated conversions to Christianity as the bible was the only written material available (Bissett, 1968). Anglicanism has always been the dominant religion in the area. Few Catholic families have lived in the community throughout the church’s long history at Pond Inlet. Matthiasson, however, recounts that the Roman Catholic missionary was always a respected member of the community.

Works Cited

Adams, John Q. "Settlements of the Northeastern Canadian Arctic." Geographical Review 31, no. 1 (1941): 112-26.

Baffin Region Inuit Association. Socio-Economic Impacts of the Nanisivik Mine on North Baffin Region Communities : Executive Summary, Ina Publication, No. Qs-8266-000-Ee-A1. Ottawa: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, Northern Affairs Program, 1980.

Billson, Janet Mancini, and Kyra Mancini. Inuit Women : Their Powerful Spirit in a Century of Change. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007.

Bissett, Don. Northern Baffin Island; an Area Economic Survey. Ottawa: Industrial Division, Dept. of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 1968.

Brody, Hugh. Living Arctic : Hunters of the Canadian North. Vancouver; Seattle: Douglas & McIntyre ; University of Washington Press, 1987.

Canada. Royal Canadian Mounted Police. The RCMP and the Inuit sled dogs: Nunavut and Northern Quebec, 1950-1970. Ottawa: RCMP, 2006. The report includes only a few references concerning Pond Inlet.

Carrothers Commission. Settlements of the Northwest Territories; Descriptions Prepared for the Advisory Commission on the Development of Government in the Northwest Territories. Ottawa, 1966.

Damas, David. Arctic Migrants/Arctic Villagers : The Transformation of Inuit Settlement in the Central Arctic. Montreal; Ithaca: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2002.

Gourdeau, Eric. Notes on the Social Impact of Panarctic's Employment Policy in Arctic Bay and Pond Inlet. Montreal: Arctic Institute of North America, 1973.

Hamlet Transfer (specific) Pond Inlet. (1974). Northwest Territories Archives. Department of Local Government Fonds. G-1998-013, Box 13, File 22-020-700. Vol. 1. March 1974.

Handbook of North American Indians; Vol. 5 Arctic. Edited by David Damas. Vol. 5, Handbook of North American Indians. Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1984.

Heinke, Gary W. Report on Municipal Services in Communities of the Northwest Territories. Ottawa: Information Canada, 1974

Kulchyski, Peter Keith, and Frank J. Tester. Kiumajut (Talking Back) : Game Management and Inuit Rights, 1900-70. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007.

Koring, Paul. Canada North Almanac. (Research Institute of Northern Canada: 1975): D2.

Kenn Harper, and Herman J. Dirschl. Resume of Community Meetings in Resolute, Pond Inlet, Grise Fiord and Arctic Bay: April 3-10, 1981. Lancaster Sound Regional Study, S.l., 1981.

Lauritzen, Philip, and R. E. Buehler. Oil and Amulets : Inuit : A People United at the Top of the World, Arctic and Northern Life Series, 1. St. John's, Nfld.: Breakwater Books, 1983.

Milton Freeman Research Limited. Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project: Report. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1976.

Nunavut Social History Database, University of British Columbia, access courtesy of Frank Tester. The database includes notes on hundreds of archival documents, including documents specific to Pond Inlet and documents of a more general nature.

“Pond Inlet”, Arctic Co-operatives Limited. [accessed: April 15, 2008]. Available online at www.arcticco-op.com

“Pond Inlet”, Diocese of the Arctic. [accessed: September 16, 2008]. Available online at www.arcticnet.org

RCMP. (1963). Conditions Amongst the Eskimos, Pond Inlet, NWT. Annual Report Ending December 31, 1963. Library and Archives Canada, RG 18, RG 18, Acc. 1985-86/048, Box 55, File TA 500-8-1-12.

RCMP. (1964). Conditions Amongst the Eskimos, Pond Inlet, NWT. Annual Report Ending December 31, 1964. Library and Archives Canada, RG 18, RG 18, Acc. 1985-86/048, Box 55, File TA 500-8-1-12.

RCMP. (1965). Conditions Amongst the Eskimos, Pond Inlet, NWT. Annual Report Ending December 31, 1965. Library and Archives Canada, RG 18, RG 18, Acc. 1985-86/048, Box 55, File TA 500-8-1-12.

RCMP. (1967). Conditions Amongst the Eskimos, Pond Inlet, NWT. Annual Report Ending December 31, 1967. Library and Archives Canada, RG 18, RG 18, Acc. 1985-86/048, Box 55, File TA 500-8-1-12.

Settlements of the Eastern Arctic. (1947). Library and Archives Canada, RG 85, vol. 1002, file 16480) 1947.

Tester, Frank J., and Peter Keith Kulchyski. Tammarniit (Mistakes) : Inuit Relocation in the Eastern Arctic, 1939-63. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1994.

Wachowich, Nancy, in collaboration with Apphia Agalakti Awa, Rhoda Kaukjak Katsak and Sandra Pikujak Katsak. Saqiyuk: Stories from the Lives of Three Inuit Women. Montréal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1999.